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The ICPD Beyond 2014 Review is an opportunity to influence the future of global population and development policy at national, regional and global levels.
UNGASS Advocacy Brief - The Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women - ARROW
TheInfluences of Religious
Fundamentalism on Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights of Women:
Challenges for the Post-2015 Development Agenda
i.
Introducing Religious
Fundamentalism
The world is less than 500 days away from the targeted day to reach the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), eight goals and 18 targets set by the
United Nations and governments to tackle some of the worst problems that have
impeded developing nations. While there has been much debate on the suitability
of these targets since they were first launched in 2000 after the Millennium
Summit, the culmination of this process in 2015 and the Post-2015 Development
Agenda are opportunities to reflect and call for greater attention to the
issues that the MDGs strived to address. Sexual and Reproductive Health and
Rights (SRHR)[1][1] are critical to achieving the MDGs, in developing the Post-2015
Development Agenda, and in general ensuring a world that is just, equitable and
inclusive, and where the marginalised, including women and girls, are
empowered. Even before the MDG process in 2000, the International Conference on
Population and Development (ICPD)[2][2] in 1994, which resulted in the
Programme of Action (PoA), and the Fourth World Conference on Women[3][3] in 1995, which resulted in the
Beijing Platform for Action, advocated the essentiality of these needs and
rights internationally, regionally and nationally.
SRHR has to be prioritised in the Post-2015 Development Agenda, while
comprehensively addressing universal access to SRHR, beyond considering family
planning, and ensuring youth access to SRHR. Further, SRHR should be embodied
in relevant goals and targets, such as gender, health, education, environment
and others, because not doing so will limit the achievements expected from
these broader areas. An analysis of the problems in these areas shows how
integrally inter-linked they are to SRHR. While there are the obvious health
benefits, i.e., healthier and longer lives, ensuring SRHR can support education
of girls who are prevented from attending or completing school – preventing
early/forced marriage helps reduce dropouts, violence inhibits access, and be a
source of information. There are economic gains at the household, community and
country levels because of a health and productive workforce and ensure
contributions of women to the economy. Access to SRHR can save lives of women
and children, while integration of SRHR into dealing with major disease such as
HIV and AIDS can reduce the impact on populations. SRHR and gender equality are
inextricably linked; inequality and power over women, their bodies, and their
sexuality endangers health throughout the lifecycle.[4][4]
The context in which SRHR is
ensured is also critical to consider. In doing so, the challenge posed by
religious fundamentalism, which has been growing in many parts of the world
over the past decades is important. This brief will provide an overview of what
this means in the context of achieving SRHR for marginalised groups,
particularly women, so as to inform global processes striving to meet these
needs and achieve these rights, including the ICPD beyond 2014 review and
post-2015 development processes.
The term ‘religious
fundamentalism’ has connotations of regression and backwardness and has been
used in debates, Islamic militancy[5][5], Protestant ideology,
anti-Americanism and fanaticism.[6][6] The use of the term in this brief
does not signify one religion but to illustrate how the political (mis)use of
religion limits rights, including SRHR, of women and marginalised groups. Religious fundamentalists impose their worldviews and apply religious
law to all aspects of life. Religious fundamentalism misuses religion for
political power, and selects specific aspects of modernity as going against
religious identity, and rejecting others. It is associated with conservative
authoritarian policies.[7][7] Religious right ideologies use
discourses of religion and culture to maintain and extend power over the public
and private domains.[8][8] Women are often considered the
custodians of family norms and honour and religion is used to control them in direct and
indirect ways, and as a result, their bodies and
sexualities, as well as freedom of movement, reproduction, and dress, become sites of religious control.[9][9] Extreme interpretations of religion have also
singled out people with alternative sexuality, often criminalising their very
existence.
ii.
The Influences of Religious
Fundamentalisms on SRHR
Fundamentalist
thinking and action declares basic human rights as being
anti-religion. For instance, the education of girls is considered threatening
to religion, and violence is used to spread fear and prevent girls from
accessing schools by actions from burning schools to prohibiting school
attendance. Within the family, girls have lower status over boys, and women
have lower status than their husbands. This discrimination extends into and is
perpetuated by society. [10][10] Due to the lack of data, this section will provide some insight into how
women’s SRHR have been undermined by religious beliefs and practices in some
countries. It raises examples of control over state laws (case of the
Philippines and Malaysia), and how state actions can be curtailed (thorough the
example of Pakistan). Other examples provide insights into how women’s and
girl’s lives itself are affected by religious fundamentalisms.
The Influence of
Religious Fundamentalism on States
Organised religion is considered an
essential part of modern life, and continues to play a strong role in local and
international affairs.[11][11] In predominantly Catholic Philippines, the Catholic hierarchy continues
to exploit its significant influence with the government[12][12] and anti-choice leaders have been free to
impose their religious beliefs on their citizenry. The City of Manila, for
example, banned contraceptive services in 2000.[13][13] Local research[14][14] revealed that the Manila contraceptive ban
drove families into extreme poverty, jeopardised women’s health and strained
family relationships.
Furthermore, the link between demographics and
religions cannot be discounted. The need to propagate by majority populations
of a particular religious identity can be observed across majority religion
countries including Hindu extremists in India and Buddhist extremists in Sri
Lanka and Myanmar.[15][15] In Pakistan, fundamentalists launched campaigns against contraceptives,
prohibiting women in the conservative northern region from seeing male doctors.[16][16]
Using Religion to Gain Greater Power in the Political
Arena
Legislation can also be used to curb rights on
the basis that certain practices go against religion, thereby placing religion
over and above the rights of people and leading to the politicisation of
religion for greater political power. In Malaysia, the politicisation of Islam
and “Islamisation race” of both the Islamist party (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia or
PAS) and the ruling National Front coalition (UMNO) have led to enforcement of
rules, laws and policies that are “deeply influenced or inspired by the
ideology of Islamic conservatism,” including wearing of the tudong in offices and schools, segregation
of the sexes and moral policing (especially of women and youth).[17][17] This has resulted in Malaysian non-Muslim women
enjoying far greater rights than Muslim Malaysians on matters as varied as
consent for marriage, distribution of property, polygamy, and divorce.[18][18] There were proposals to have the shyariah law replace civil law for
non-Muslims (2007) and for khalwat (being
in close proximity to a person of the opposite sex who is not a relation) to be
applied for non-Muslims found with Muslims (2008).[19][19]
The Impact of Extreme
Interpretations of Religion on People
Religion, culture and tradition play a role in
perpetuating early and child marriage. Girls are discriminated against, valued
less and have less importance outside roles of wives and mothers, often
considered a financial burden. The dominance of patriarchal norms surrounding
marriage has girls considered as objects to be “protected” and exchanged as
commodities, rather than as bearers of rights. Girls are valued primarily for
their virginity and reproductive capacity and hence their sexuality and
chastity has to be protected. Her virginity determines her worth and family
honour. A woman’s/girl’s fertility is thus considered appropriate for regulation
by families, religious institutions, and governmental authorities. Her
reproductive capacity is not regarded as an individual right but an obligation
to ensure the continuity of families, clans, and social groups.[20][20] Legislation to
control the spread of child marriage and stipulating the minimum age of
marriage can go a long way to protect girls. It also gives those fighting for
these rights a basis to advocate and ensure implementation in order to protect
the rights of girls.
Contraception offers women
a choice and control over her body, the very things that religion stands to
control as is evident from this example. Health data
shows that access and use of contraception is diverse across women in the
region, depending on their level of education, economic conditions, and
regions.[21][21] Religious views influences
contraceptive availability and use in many ways; the perception that
contraceptives are equivalent to abortion, one is going against Gods will and
what God gives, seen as having racist and financial motives, and promotes
sexual activity all stem from religion.
Case
Studies on the Linkages between Religious Fundamentalism and SRHR
The Philippines: The Responsible Parenthood
and Reproductive Health Act of 2012, also known as the Reproductive Health Law
in the Philippines, guarantees universal access to methods of contraception, fertility control, sexual education, and maternal care. The passing of the legislation was controversial
with both opposition and support by experts, academics, religious institutions
and politicians while it was in legislature. The Supreme Court delayed
implementation because of these challenges in 2013 but in 2014, upheld it
albeit striking down eight provisions partially or in full. The Law would
enable easier access to family planning such as contraception and
sterilisation, providing universal access through government funding. The Law
was opposed by the Catholic Church, which has a stronghold on public and moral
life, and illustrating the limited separation of church and state in the country.
The Catholic hierarchy also
used the strategy of ensuring that the bill was regarded inaccurately as an
“abortion bill”.[22][22] Its influence
caused the continuous delays in passing the Law and the Supreme Court delays
for more than a year. Many advocates of the Law fear the law will be useless
until its implementing rules and regulations are fully enforced.
Pakistan: Increasing Islamic
fundamentalism or ‘Talibanisation’ has developed unchecked due to State
leniency and inaction, citing that hindrances are experienced mostly due to
local customs and other cultural practices.[23][23] [24][24] Child marriage, which has the highest concentration in South Asia, is useful to
illustrate these points. In April 2014 in Pakistan,
the Sindh Assembly, taking the lead over other provinces, unanimously
passed the Sindh Child Marriage Restraint Bill 2013 prohibiting
marriage of children below 18 years; a historical achievement in the provincial
assembly.[25][25] The law
bans child marriages with legislation. The new law states that
“Whoever, being a male above 18 years of age, contracts a child marriage shall
be punished with rigorous imprisonment…” The law has punitive conditions for
whoever performs, conducts, directs, brings about or in any way facilitates any
child marriage with rigorous imprisonment of three years, unless he can proves
that he had reason to believe that the marriage was not a child
marriage. While clearly the passing of such laws requires the commitment
and support of state officials, the implementation of such laws is as critical
to have impact. Additionally, knowledge of the existence of such laws is
another critical factor for success.
Tunisia: The
revolution in Tunisia in 2011 involved women and men, old and young, rural and
urban, all standing up against a dictatorship. Despite parliamentary elections,
the country was in serious difficulties with a weak economy and governance
structure. The post revolution period saw women also facing a backlash from
conservative Islamic forces. As a new constitution was being debated in 2012,
the influence of these conservative forces on laws and policies and the
influence of applying Sharia law were being questioned. Leading this charge was
the Salafi youth movement whose demand was a Sharia-based constitution, which
was denounced by the leading party. Women’s bodies became the centre of attack
and insult, they were barred from education facilities, and faced attacks on a
women led human rights march. Despite extremist Islamists’ agenda to
marginalise women, proposals for regressive policies against women, such as
proposals to adopt polygamy, reduce the legal age of marriage, customary
marriages without legal documents, have been alarming. The passing of the new
constitution earlier this year aims to increase equality between men and women,
declares health as a human rights, and is a democracy with civil laws. [26][26] It refers
to Personal Status Code of 1959,
which included the right to divorce, to marriage by mutual consent and also the
banning of polygamy.[27][27] Tunisia remains a country to watch closely, as it
grapples with emerging forces of extremism as well as attempts to implement its
new constitution that is heralded as one to bring about equality of women and
men.
iii.
Key policy directions and
priority actions
Priority Actions for Member States
· Ensure that a
human rights approach to development is adopted that ensures transformational
change, builds on women’s realities and strengthens women’s human right.[28][28]
· Eliminate
laws and policies that prevent access to sexual and reproductive health
services and information and punish women, such as abortion.[29][29]
· Acknowledge that religious
fundamentalism persists and devise ways to counter fundamentalist forces
including creating conducive
environments that promotes debate and opportunities to strategies against such
forces including civil society and faith-based organisations, have sanctions
for the politicisation of religion by officials etc.
·
Remove legal and policy barriers based on political,
religious and cultural conservatism and make available universal access to SRHR
services for all.
· When
developing policy actions, avoid using narrow interpretations of women’s rights
and sexual and reproductive health and rights. Policies should be informed by
international obligations and conventions and not hamper the realisation of
universal SRHR.
· Inform government
officials to consider the influence of religious fundamentalism on women, girls
and marginalised populations, recognise the impacts of religious fundamentalism
on rights, and develop approaches that are not influenced by their values and
perceptions.
· Recognise
that women and marginalised
groups are not homogenous entities but have multiple and overlapping identities
and as a result they may experience religious fundamentalisms in different
ways. It is crucial that this experience informs policy processes.
· Create
spaces for organising and for voicing alternative opinions over the long term
and ensure the inclusion of civil society organisations, especially women’s
rights organisations, as well as faith-based groups, in such spaces.
Faith-based groups should not be engaging amongst themselves only but also be
integrated in discourses that are promoting progressive interpretations of
religion and women’s role and SRHR issues together with it.
Priority Actions for Civil Society Organisations
·
Document and analyse the
impacts of religious fundamentalism on women in developing strategies to
address religious fundamentalisms.[30][30]
·
Create advocacy strategies and approaches to combat religious
fundamentalisms that are more nuanced, sophisticated and strategic, while
documenting effective strategies.
·
Advocacy
has to be evidence-based raising how religion can influence women’s lives and
SRHR and how progressive standings can improve these conditions.
·
Creating networks and building alliances are
critical. These networks have to include the voices from the grassroots and
involve women themselves as agents of change.
·
The participation of men in this process cannot be
stressed enough, where they are encouraged to speak out on issues of women’s
concern and advocate for change.[31][31]
·
Fundamentalist
movements are adapting more effective strategies and counter strategies are
required that use progressive interpretations of women’s role and rights.
Further, right-wing groups have a
presence in international democratic and development spaces, and have devised
their own messages that have to be countered.
·
The focus on secularism
also ties in well with the notion of accountability. Elected representatives of
the people can be held accountable to their actions, as in there is a process
and institutions available to raise accountability issues.
·
Ensuring there are progressive interpretations of
religion, developing counter arguments to address fundamentalism and creating
safe spaces for women to learn and debate about religion. This knowledge
empowers women and challenges those who want monopoly over religion.[32][32]
Key
Definitions
Fundamentalist movements are political movements
with religious, ethnic, and/or nationalist imperatives. They construct a single
version of a collective identity as the only true, authentic and valid one, and
use it to impose their power and authority over ‘their’ constituency (which
varies from a particular community to most, if not all, of humanity). They
usually claim to be the representatives of authentic tradition, and they speak
against the corrupting influence of modernity and ‘the West’ (which
non-westerners tend to regard as the same thing). However, fundamentalists are
far from being pre-modern. In order to promote their project, they use all
modern technological means available, from the media to weaponry. They can use
holy texts and be linked with specific charismatic leaderships; they can appear
as a form of traditional orthodoxy or, as a revivalist radical phenomenon
fighting against traditional corrupt leaderships.[33][33]
Religious extremism is “rigid interpretations
of religion that are forced upon others using social or economic coercion,
laws, intolerance, or violence. It is accompanied by non-fluid definitions of
culture, religion, nationalism, ethnicity or sect, which move citizens into exclusionary,
patriarchal and intolerant communities.”[34][34]
Religious fundamentalisms is “the use of religion
(sometimes in conjunction with ethnicity, culture and nationality) by certain
political and religious leaders, institutions and parties to legitimise as
divine—and thereby render unchallengeable—authoritarian political power and to
essentialise social control. This has particular negative consequences for
women’s rights.[35][35] Religious fundamentalisms are “political
movements of the extreme right…manipulate religion…in
order to achieve their political aims.”[36][36]
Sexual and
Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) comprises reproductive health, which is the
ability to have a responsible, satisfying and safe sex life, having the capability to
reproduce if, when and how one chooses. This includes the right to be informed,
having access to and choice of using contraception, and to appropriate maternal
health care services that safeguards the mother and gives her the chance of
having a health infant (World Health Organisation); reproductive rights are human rights recognised in the national
laws and international human rights and consensus documents that gives the
opportunity for couples’ and individuals’ to have the desired number of
children when they want to, access to adequate information and means to do so,
and the right to attain the highest standard of SRH. It encompasses making
reproduction decisions free of discrimination, coercion and violence, as
expressed in human rights documents (International Conference on Population and
Development); sexual health requires
sexual health care to enhance life and personal relations, counselling and care
related to reproduction and sexually transmitted diseases (adapted from the United
Nations); and sexual rights uphold
human rights as stated in national laws, international human rights documents
and other consensus documents and include rights of all persons, free of
coercion, discrimination and violence, to the highest attainable standard of
health in relation to sexuality, including access to sexual and reproductive
healthcare services; access to and availability of information on sexuality,
sexuality education; respect for bodily integrity; choice of partner; sexual
activity; consensual sexual relations and marriage; decision to have/not to
have children; and pursue a satisfying, safe and pleasurable sexual life (WHO
working definition)”.[37][37]
Universal Access to SRHR is the availability of SRHR and the ability of
the population to gain access to SRHR. When Universal Access is limiting, there
is often a need for SRHR that is not been fulfilled. For instance, use of
family planning services is not widespread, which could be an indication of the
inability to access such services, the lack of information etc. It also gives
significance to the allocation of resources by government to make SRHR
available to the population, especially the marginalised.[38][38]
[1][1] Thanenthiran S., Racherla S.J.M., and Jahanath S. (2013) http://www.arrow.org.my/publications/ICPD+20/ICPD+20_ARROW_AP.pdf
[2][2] Please see https://www.unfpa.org/public/icpd
[3][3] Please see
http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/
[4][4] Universal Access Project 2014. Briefing Cards: Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and the Post-2015 Development Agenda. https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/genun/pages/122/attachments/original/1407607969/SRHR_Briefing_Cards_FINAL.pdf?1407607969
[5][5] Kasim, Z. M. 2008. Religious Fundamentalisms in
Muslim Societies: The Impact of the Religious Right on Sexual and Reproductive
Health and Rights. In ARROW (Ed.) Surfacing: Selected Papers on Religious
Fundamentalisms and Their Impact on Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health and
Rights (pp 39-48). Kuala Lumpur: ARROW. http://arrow.org.my/images/publications/arrowsurfacing_4web.pdf
[6][6] Danguilan, M. 2008. Keeping the Faith:
Overcoming Religious Fundamentalisms. ARROWs for Change, 14(1&2):
1-3. http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf and Armstrong. K. (2000)
Battle for God. Ballantine Books. Random House Publication
[7][7] Danguilan, M. 2008. Keeping the Faith:
Overcoming Religious Fundamentalisms. ARROWs for Change, 14(1&2):
1-3. http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf and Armstrong. K. (2000)
Battle for God. Ballantine Books. Random House Publication
[8][8] Kasim, Z. M. 2008. Religious Fundamentalisms in
Muslim Societies: The Impact of the Religious Right on Sexual and Reproductive
Health and Rights. In ARROW (Ed.) Surfacing: Selected Papers on Religious
Fundamentalisms and Their Impact on Women’s Sexual and Reproductive Health and
Rights (pp 39-48). Kuala Lumpur: ARROW. http://arrow.org.my/images/publications/arrowsurfacing_4web.pdf
[9][9] Iqbal, S. 2008. Growing Fundamentalisms: A
Grave Apprehension for Women’s Rights in Pakistan. ARROWs for Change, 14(1&2):
8-9. http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf
[10][10] Iqbal. S.,
Growing Fundamentalisms:A Grave Apprehension for Women’s Rights in Pakistan in ARROW
(2008). Keeping the faith: Overcoming religious fundamentalism. ARROWs for
Change, 14(1&2): 8-9. http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf
[11][11] Karen Armstrong points out that the realms of
secularism and faith were more clear-cut as we progressed into the 20th
century. This changed in the 1970s when fundamentalists began to successfully
rebel against secularism and as such governments can no longer ignore religion.
See Armstrong. K. (2000) Battle for God. Ballantine Books. Random House
Publication
[12][12] Catholics for Choice. 2008. Truth and
Consequence: A Look behind the Vatican's Ban on Contraception. Washington, DC
USA: Catholics for Choice. 28pp. Tel 202-986-6093; Fax 202-332-7995. Available
at:
www.catholicsforchoice.org/topics/reform/documents/TruthConsequencesFINAL.pdf
[13][13] Aguiling-Pangalangan,
Elizabeth. 2008. “Catholic religious conservatism and fundamentalism in the
Philippines and their disparate impact on women.” IN ARROW. 2008. Surfacing: Selected Papers on Religious
Fundamentalisms and Their Impact on Women’s Sexuality, Health and Rights. Kuala
Lumpur: ARROW.
[14][14] Centre for Reproductive Rights, LIKHAAN and
REPROCEN
[15][15] Thanenthiran S., Racherla S.J.M., and Jahanath
S. (2013). Reclaiming and Redefining Rights: ICPD + 20: Status of Sexual and
Reproductive Health and Rights in Asia Pacific. ARROW
http://www.arrow.org.my/publications/ICPD+20/ICPD+20_ARROW_AP.pdf
[16][16] Danguilan, M. 2008. Keeping the Faith:
Overcoming Religious Fundamentalisms. ARROWs for Change, 14(1&2) http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf
[17][17] Kasim, Zaitun Mohamad. 2006. “Sexuality under
attack: The political discourse on sexuality in Malaysia.” Women in Action, No. 1. pp.44-55.
[18][18] Sisters In Islam. “Malaysian women: The great
divide.” IN Baraza: A Sisters in Islam
Bulletin, Vol. 1 No. 2 2006. p.18.
[19][19] Kuga Thas, Angela. 2008, August 20. “Sexual
rights in Malaysia.” Presentation at the Sexuality
Institute 2008, Panel with Malaysian Activists: Sexual Rights and Politics in
Malaysia. Cyberjaya, Malaysia.
[20][20] Centre for Reproductive Rights, Child Marriage in South Asia: International and constitutional legal standards and jurisprudence for promoting accountability and change. http://reproductiverights.org/sites/crr.civicactions.net/files/documents/ChildMarriage_BriefingPaper_Web.pdf
[21][21] Thanenthiran S., Racherla S.J.M., and Jahanath
S. (2013). Reclaiming and Redefining Rights: ICPD + 20: Status of Sexual and
Reproductive Health and Rights in Asia Pacific. ARROW
http://www.arrow.org.my/publications/ICPD+20/ICPD+20_ARROW_AP.pdf
[22][22]Austria, Carolina. 2008, July 25. “The Catholic
church’s abortion trump card.” Available at
www.rhrealitycheck.org/blog/2008/07/22/the-catholic-church%E2%80%99s-abortion-trump-card
[23][23] Shirkat Gah. 2007. Talibanisation and Poor
Governance: Undermining CEDAW in Pakistan; Second Shadow Report. Lahore,
Pakistan: Shirkat Gah. 41p.
[24][24] Hamdani, Insha. 2006. “Providing safe,
clandestine abortion services in Pakistan.” In ARROWs For Change Vol. 12 No. 3 2006, pp. 4-5.
[25][25] Chandio. M. R.
2014. Sindh Assembly passes bill declaring marriage below 18 punishable by law.
Published on 28 April 2014.
http://www.balochistanexpressquetta.com/2014/04/28/sindh-assembly-passes-bill-declaring-marriage-below-18-punishable-by-law/
[26][26] ICAN 2012. What the Women Say: The End of the
Beginning: Tunisia’s Revolution and Fighting for the Future. Brief 2: April
2012
http://web.mit.edu/cis/pdf/What%20the%20Women%20Say%20-%20Tunisia,%20April%202012.pdf
[27][27] UNWOMEN. Tunisia’s
new Constitution: a breakthrough for women’s rights
http://www.unwomen.org/lo/news/stories/2014/2/tunisias-new-constitution#sthash.3SZQZjQF.dpuf
[28][28] Post 2015 Women’s Coaliton. Feminist Response
and Recommendations: Proposed goals and targets on sustainable development for
the post 2015 development agenda
http://www.post2015women.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Post2015WC_FeministResponseRecommendations_06242014.pdf
[29][29] Post 2015 Women’s Coaliton. Feminist Response
and Recommendations: Proposed goals and targets on sustainable development for
the post 2015 development agenda
http://www.post2015women.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/Post2015WC_FeministResponseRecommendations_06242014.pdf
[30][30] The growing body of work by ARROW, the Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), Sisters in Islam
(SIS), Women against Fundamentalism, and Women Living under Muslim Laws (WLUML)
are encouraging.
[31][31] Danguilan, M. 2008. Keeping the Faith:
Overcoming Religious Fundamentalisms. ARROWs for Change, 14(1&2) http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf
[32][32] Danguilan, M. 2008. Keeping the Faith:
Overcoming Religious Fundamentalisms. ARROWs for Change, 14(1&2) http://arrow.org.my/publications/AFC/v14n1&2.pdf
[33][33] Imam, A.; Yuval-Davis, N. 2004. “Introduction.”
pp. ix-xviii. IN Warning Signs of
Fundamentalisms. Nottingham, UK: Women Living Under Muslim Laws. 182p.
Available at: http://www.wluml.org/english/pubs/pdf/wsf/introduction.pdf
[34][34] ICAN and AWID (2014). Extremism as Mainstream: Implications for Women, Development & Security in the MENA/Asia Region. Brief 11 Spring 2014. Pp.2
[35][35] AWID working definition; “Resisting and
Challenging Fundamentalisms” presentation, 15 November 2007
[36][36] Bennoune, K. (2013). Your
Fatwa Does Not Apply Here: Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim
Fundamentalism. NY: W.W. Nortan & Co.
[37][37] Thanenthiran S., Racherla S.J.M., and Jahanath
S. (2013) pp.24
http://www.arrow.org.my/publications/ICPD+20/ICPD+20_ARROW_AP.pdf
[38][38] Adapted from
http://www.epfweb.org/thematic-issues/11/srhr/