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Attached is UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace & Security.

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INTERNALLY DISPLACED WOMEN VITALLY IMPORTANT IN PEACE PROCESSES

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http://www.brookings.edu/speeches/2010/0325_internal_displacement_kalin.aspx

 

June 11, 2010

INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT IN PEACE PROCESSES

Walter Kälin, Representative of the UN Secretary General on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons and Co-director , Brookings-Bern Project on Internal Displacement

Addressing Internal Displacement in Peace Processes and Agreements Launch Event

“The exclusion of IDPs from peace processes is both unjust and unwise. … The exclusion of IDPs from the peacemaking and peacebuilding has a deeper cost of undercutting the efficiency and effectiveness of the processes.” [Donald Steinberg, Vice-President ICG][1]

 “The [Juba peace] talks would be relevant to us if occasionally one or two representatives of the Acholi people now in Juba would come here and discuss the results with us and get our thoughts, but no-one comes. Everything is hearsay.” [a man from Mucwini camp in Northern Uganda] [2]

My discussions with internally displaced persons (IDPs) in many countries where peace processes are taking place reveal a common theme: They feel alienated and excluded from negotiations whose outcome will determine their very future: whether they will be able to return to their villages or whether they will have to remain in congested camps or miserable and overcrowded settlements.

In fact, getting to peace in a country or region affected by armed conflict and finding durable solutions for displaced populations are closely intertwined.

Integrating Internal Displacement in Peace Processes and Agreements”,[3] the guide for mediators we launch today here in Bern aims at addressing this complex relationship. The Guide was developed by the Brookings-Bern Project on Internal Displacement which I co-direct with guidance from a steering committee chaired by me and composed of senior mediators and leading experts on internal displacement, in close cooperation with the United Nations Mediation Support Unit within the Department of Political Affairs, and in consultation with experts on mediation, peacemaking, and internal displacement. The lead author in drafting this guide was Gerard Mc Hugh. I am grateful to the Political Division IV for their continuous support throughout the development of this guide. I am also glad that we can jointly launch it today together with Swisspeace.

Background

1. Peace Agreements Matter for Internally Displaced Persons

Let me start with highlighting the reasons why we decided to develop this guide. My own experience in carrying out my mandate as Representative of the Secretary General on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons made it clear to me early on in my mandate that peace processes and peace agreements are of vital importance in finding durable solutions for the more than 25 million persons displaced by conflict all over the world. In 2005, I visited Bosnia-Herzegovina where Annex VII to the 1996 Dayton Peace Agreement had set out comprehensive provisions on the right to return of refugees and IDPs. Yet, I found that many continued to live in the same over-crowded and dilapidated collective shelters they had been brought to during the war. For many of them who could not go back for a variety of reasons, the right to return had in reality become a burden in the sense that they were expected to return and to stay in these collective shelters until this would become possible. Annex VII thus had become an obstacle to local integration as it did not provide for a right of the displaced to choose whether to return to their former homes, locally integrate where they were displaced to or settle in another part of the country.

In Côte d’Ivoire, I saw how the conclusion of the Ouagadougou Accord of April 2007 immediately triggered the return of many IDPs despite the fact that the agreement only contains a passing reference to those displaced by the conflict. While many IDPs returned, they did so in a situation where lack of support for reintegration and for livelihoods remained a considerable problem.

In Nepal, I felt that the peace negotiations between the Maoists and the Seven-Party Coalition would be flawed if they would not take into account the fate of those displaced by the armed conflict. I wrote to the two negotiating parties making specific proposals to address displacement and many of these suggestions found their way into the Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2006. This certainly contributed to finding durable solutions for many IDPs.

2. Beyond Anecdotal Experiences: The Peace-Displacement Nexus

Getting to peace in a country or region affected by armed conflict and finding durable solutions for displaced populations are closely intertwined. These inter-linkages are the deeper reason why peace processes and agreements matter to IDPs and, vice versa, why IDPs matter to peace processes.

The relation between conflict and displacement is a direct and a linear one; the greater the number of people affected by a conflict and the longer the conflict lasts, the more people are likely to be displaced. Yet, the relation between the end of conflict, the end of displacement and sustainable peace is more complicated.

Peace is a precondition for IDPs to rebuild their lives. However, the end of hostilities per se does not imply that IDPs will automatically find a durable solution and resume their normal lives. By way of example, even if a peace process is on its way, if militias in areas of origin are not disarmed, or if, as I have seen in Southern Sudan in 2005, militias responsible for the displacement of a particular community are not relocated after having been integrated into the regular armed forces, IDPs will not return to their place of origin. This is because they will continue to fear those who had attacked them regardless of the conclusion of a peace agreement. If IDPs are unable to recover their land or property as in parts of Colombia, or if in places like Northern Uganda property-related disputes are not adequately addressed, large-scale return is unlikely or could inadvertently provoke new tensions. If reconstruction and economic rehabilitation remain insufficient to enable the displaced to resume livelihoods, settlement or return will not be sustainable. And if impunity for those responsible for displacement prevails, and rule of law, including accountability for past crimes is not implemented, the prospect for reconciliation between the displaced and those responsible for their displacement diminishes. This is the situation, for example, in Northwestern CAR, where IDPs have demanded this accountability.

Thus, provisions on issues such as safety and security, recovery, reconciliation or property issues in peace agreements are essential for the displaced. Past experiences in situations as diverse as the Balkans, Burundi and Nepal, have shown that this process can best be initiated and receive the necessary political backing if a peace agreement takes displacement-specific issue into account in both its substantive provisions and in the provisions on implementation.

On the other hand, resolving displacement situations is essential to building peace. Protracted displacement in post-conflict settings hampers the reconciliation process in post-war societies.  In fact, latent tensions and grievances can constrain peacebuilding or buildup to outright rejection of a peace agreement or a peace process. Resolving internal displacement and achieving durable solutions thus is inextricably linked with achieving lasting peace.

3. The need to give IDPs a voice

In 2007, the Brookings Bern Project on Internal Displacement looked at how internal displacement and IDPs themselves were involved in peace negotiations and peace processes.[4] The study showed that despite the clear linkage between displacement and peace, in most cases, IDPs are excluded from peace negotiations and peace processes.

Direct participation of IDPs in track-one negotiations is very rare, as a result of three factors. Firstly, most track-one processes are designed to be exclusive, in bringing together the leaders of the parties who are able to negotiate an end to the conflict. Secondly IDPs often belong to marginalized groups and lack the education and skills needed to participate effectively.  Thirdly IDP groups are usually not a monolithic block, they may be geographically scattered and have divergent views.  At times, they even act as spoilers in the negotiation process.

At the same time and despite their relevance in the peace process, internal displacement issues are, often neglected or overlooked in peace agreements. While there are good examples to the contrary, all too often the interests of IDPs fall through the cracks in the trade-offs of peace negotiations. Other groups, in particular demobilized rebels, are often of greater political interest than IDPs. At first sight, this is understandable. However, the consequences can sometimes be paradoxical. In the case of the Central African Republic, e.g., the UN Peacebuilding Commission first discussed the DDR package for former rebels without considering that return of demobilized rebels to their home communities is impossible as long as these communities are displaced. Or in Colombia, the per capita budget spent per demobilized rebel greatly exceeded assistance to IDPs, creating much resentment among IDPs.

Not to listen to the voice of IDPs and not to respond to their needs is unfair and unwise. Unfair, because IDPs did not choose their displacement but have become victims of decisions by others. Unwise because experience shows that IDPs at the country level very often are a group that is sufficiently large to have a positive or – if neglected – negative impact on peace processes: In Sudan almost 13% and in Somalia more than 13% of the overall population is displaced. In Iraq, the number of IDPs amounts to an estimated 9.6 percent of the population. In Azerbaijan and Georgia, after many years, these percentages still range between 6 and 7 %. In Uganda, IDPs amounted to 2.7% of the overall population but in the Acholi district almost everyone was displaced. In CAR only 2.5% of the overall population is displaced, but this figure soars to 25% in the affected North-West of the country.

The Guide for Mediators

Based on these elements we felt that it is important to develop complementary strategies for representing the interests of IDPs in peace negotiations and peace processes, because their direct participation is often not possible. In my missions to conflict-affected regions and in dialogue with mediators and other persons involved in peace processes, I was often told that they realized that internal displacement was important to the dynamics of the peace process and yet, they were not very clear on how to handle the issue. They didn’t know which were the key issues and were afraid that taking internal displacement into account would overload the peace negotiations. They were also skeptical about consulting with IDPs. How to be sure that the voices gathered are representative? How can scattered IDPs be consulted in a meaningful way and how can this be done without overstretching the capacities of the mediation team? How should mediators deal with IDP groups that behave like spoilers in the process?

These were the questions which lay the foundation of our project to develop a short and concise guide for mediators on internal displacement. The guide provides mediation teams with an easy to use structure on which they can develop their own strategies on incorporating internal displacement in their specific situation. This structure follows four steps. 

  • Step 1 explains why internal displacement matters in peace processes. It gives guidance on how to analyze the characteristics and dynamics of an internal displacement situation, which are key for the mediator to understand in order to develop appropriate strategies.
  • Step 2 presents a conceptual framework that provides the necessary space for integrating internal displacement into mediation efforts and peace negotiations. This framework consists of two parts: a mission statement and the legal and policy foundations such as the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement. This step also provides guidance on how to apply the mission statement and its legal and policy foundation.
  • Step 3 looks at the process by which IDPs can be engaged in the various stages of the peace process. It develops different models of consultations and gives guidance on key aspects to be taken into account when consulting with IDP groups.
  • Finally, step 4 offers guidance on the content of displacement-specific provisions. It identifies the key elements that should be considered in peace agreements and indicates good examples.

These steps are not strictly sequential, they do overlap and the sequence and timing has to be adapted to each specific situation.

Conclusion: Rights of IDPs, obligations of states and moral duties of mediators

I hope that this guide proves to be useful to mediators in their endeavors to incorporate internal displacement into peace processes and peace agreements. I am convinced that in many situations the peace agreement can lay the foundation for finding durable solutions for IDPs.  I know that the resolution of displacement situations is an essential contribution to peace-building, reconciliation and stabilization of a post-conflict society.

To build sustainable peace in a way that allows the displaced to rebuild their lives in a sustainable way is not only a matter of politics. It is also a moral duty as well as a question of respecting and fulfilling the human rights of those who suffered displacement as a result of the conflict, the IDPs. They do have rights and they do have the right to enjoy their rights. There must not be a trade-off between the rights of IDPs and the rights of others in the peace process. Governments have an obligation to respect the rights of all their citizens including the displaced. Mediators have the duty, not a legal, but a moral, duty to bring the issue of the rights of the displaced to the negotiating parties and to help them find ways for the governments to assume their obligations in a post-conflict society vis-à-vis all of their people. This new publication supports them in this task.



[1] A Seat at the Table: The Role of Displaced Persons in Peace Talks and Peacebuilding, Donald Steinberg, Presentation by Donald Steinberg, Vice President, International Crisis Group at the U.S. Institute of Peace, Washington DC, 14 December, 2007

[2] The building blocks of sustainable peace, The views of internally displaced people in Northern Uganda, Oxfam Briefing Papers 106, September 2007, pp. 13 and 14.

[3] Integrating Internal Displacement in Peace Processes and Agreements, The Peacemaker’s Toolkit Series, United States Institute of Peace and Brookings-Bern Project on Internal Displacement, Washington D.C., 2010.

[4] Addressing Internal Displacement in Peace Processes, Peace Agreements and Peace-Building, The Brookings Bern project on Internal Displacement, Washington D.C., 2007

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http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/podcasts/displaced-persons-into-peace-processes.aspx

 

BRINGING INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS INTO PEACE PROCESSES

 

Donald Steinberg  |  26 Apr 2010

Presentation by Donald Steinberg, Deputy President, International Crisis Group, at launch of UN Guidelines for Integrating Internal Displacement in Peace Processes and Agreements, Brussels, Belgium, 26 April 2010


I’m pleased to welcome you to Crisis Group headquarters for the launch of the new guide, “Integrating Internal Displacement in peace Processes and Agreements.”  These guidelines are the result of a unique collaboration between the office of the UN Representative of the Secretary-General for the Human Rights of Internally-Displaced Persons Walter Kaelin, the UN Mediation Support Unit, the Brookings-Bern Project on Internal Displacement, and the U.S. Institute of Peace, and were drawn together under the leadership of Gerald McHugh.  I was pleased to serve on the steering committee for this process. 

The guide’s launch could not be more timely.  >From Sudan to Sri Lanka, from Haiti to Myanmar, from Colombia to Congo, some 26 million people have been driven from their homes and forced to live in makeshift camps, abandoned buildings, forests, and shanty towns. Outcasts in their own countries, they are unprotected by international refugee conventions and subject to the whims of their own governments and domestic and international humanitarian agencies. Frequently, they’ve endured sexual violence, including rape used as a weapon of war, and struggle to find food, shelter, health facilities, and basic security.  

While some displacement results from natural disasters or “development” projects, most internally displaced persons (IDPs) are the victims of armed conflict. Yet when parties come together to negotiate the end to conflict, the displaced and the issues that affect them most directly – such as return or resettlement, rebuilding of basic infrastructure, provision of social services, and clearance of landmines and unexploded ordnance – are given short shrift by armed combatants in the talks.  There is likely to be little domestic pressure for the inclusion of IDPs in these processes, and thus it often falls to the international community to ensure their participation. 

This is what makes these guidelines so significant.  They represent a two-year commitment to bring together best practices and ground truths from around the world.  They go beyond theory and generalities, providing a “how-to” guide for mediators and peace process participants alike.  The guidelines highlight the need to: (a) assess the causes, dynamics, and characteristics of internal displacement in armed conflict; (b) create space within peace processes for participation of IDPs, either at the table or through close consultations; (c) identify IDP-specific human rights and interests that should be reflected in peace agreements; and (d) empower “legitimate” representatives of IDP communities, including in urban and other non-camp settings. 

A Seat at the Table for IDPs and Their Interests

The guidelines start from the premise – consistent with my own experience in peace processes over three decades – that the exclusion of IDPs from peace processes is both unjust and unwise. In modern warfare, some 90 percent of the victims are now civilians, and internal displacement generally occurs against powerless groups already subject to exploitation. Sexual violence; theft of property; trafficking in women and girls; and similar abuses are common among individuals who have lost their homes and identities. Abuses occur at the hands of rebels, criminals, and even government security forces who are charged with their protection. IDP camps are often sites of domestic violence, trafficking in persons, drug and alcohol abuse, disease and crime. 

Btu displaced persons are far more than simply victims of armed conflict.  They are often key to the success of peace efforts.  Including IDPs in these processes raises the likelihood of peace agreements holding.  The return of IDPs to their places of origin or resettlement elsewhere helps re-establish a sense of normalcy, rule of law, economic recovery, and extension of state authority throughout the national territory. The repeated failure to draw on the wisdom and ground truth of displaced persons reduces the odds of a successful return and resettlement program.

Further, returns are often pushed by impatient negotiators seeking good news and tangible signs of progress from stalled processes.  But the premature return of displaced persons to their homes, in the absence of security and sustainability, can lead quickly to new displacement and new instability.  Displaced persons themselves are best positioned to know when it is wise and safe to return to their homes, and their voices on this crucial question must be heard and respected.  Further, they must be allowed to advocate for fair treatment, including generous compensation packages: why should ex-combatants be the only ones receiving assistance packages, training opportunities, and government employment? 

A particularly disturbing problem occurred in Angola while I was serving as U.S. ambassador and a member of the Peace Commission. In our rush to return four million displaced persons to their homes in a country plagued by landmines, we focused primarily on demining major roads. Regrettably, our humanitarian demining efforts in local fields, forests, and lakes were given secondary priority. When the displaced returned to their homes and started to plant fields, collect firewood, and fetch water, there was a rash of tragic landmine accidents. Had IDPs been at the table, this tragedy might have avoided.  The principle must be: “Nothing about us without us.”

More broadly, excluding IDPs and other civil society groups from a peace process means that they come to view the peace process as belonging to the armed combatants, not to them.  There will be little civil society pressure on the combatants if the peace process falters.  For example, the exclusion of IDP representatives – as well as women, Arab tribes and others – from the Darfur peace talks in Abuja in 2006 was a key factor in creating an unsustainable and unworkable peace agreement that lacked local “ownership” and was quickly repudiated.

Who Speaks for the Displaced

Yet the exclusion of IDPs persists, leaving the odd specter of maniacal and homicidal combatants such as Angola’s Jonas Savimbi, Sierra Leone’s Foday Sankoh, and Uganda’s Joseph Kony claiming to represent IDPs in their respective negotiations.  This is particularly pernicious, given that these leaders are themselves perpetrators of actions that caused displacement and cynically use IDPs as leverage to gain greater concessions. Too often, peace processes begin with these individuals and their government counterparts granting amnesties to each other for crimes committed during the conflict.  While there is scope for limited amnesties in pursuit of national reconciliation, amnesties often mean that men with guns forgive other men with guns for crimes against powerless civilians, including the displaced.  Perpetrators of such crimes must be held accountable after the guns go silent, lest we undercut the re-establishment of rule of law.

Even if the principle is established that IDPs and their issues need representation, the question remains: whose voices are “legitimate”?  There are rarely clear leaders of the displaced: leaders of the communities from which the displaced came may have been killed, displaced elsewhere, or discredited, and IDP camps lack stability to elect their own leadership.  Further, individuals in IDP camps themselves may be far from innocent victims, but actual perpetrators of the violence, such as in the case of IDPs in the secured areas of Rwanda following the 1994 genocide.

Further, legitimate voices of the displaced are often ill-prepared to argue their cases in formal peace processes.  Many lack formal training and education, are restrained by traditional and cultural practices, or are subject to threats and intimidation from powerful forces within their communities.  This is particularly true for women daring to step forward in these settings.  The displaced typically come from marginalized and disadvantaged groups, such as the Afro-Colombian community in Colombia or the Acholi population in northern Uganda, where the skills necessary to participate in diplomatic negotiations must be fostered and nurtured. Training for their participation is essential, as is financial support and physical protection and security.

Again, given the lack of interest from the negotiating partners in engaging displaced persons in the process, these questions often fall to the international or domestic mediator and the commission implementing the agreement.  These individuals should be guarded in large part by consultations with credible human rights and governance bodies, taking into account previous leadership patterns and the structures that may have emerged in IDP camps or communities.

Mediators must also be sensitive to questions of timing.  Issues surrounding displacement are particularly sensitive, including questions like accountability for human rights abuses, financial compensation for displacement, security sector reform, and restoration of land rights. Emotions can run high as the abused and abusers confront each other, even in polite conference rooms. These questions can be so disruptive to a fragile peace process that there is an argument for delaying their consideration and resolution during the initial stages when the principal issues is negotiating a ceasefire or permanent cessation of hostility. Still, nothing should be agreed to in those initial contacts that will jeopardize the full engagement of displaced persons in the subsequent broader peace negotiations and implementation bodies.

Ideally, implementation of a peace process can help rebuild local capacity of civil society groups that have been destroyed or polarized during conflict. The displaced should be a principal target of these efforts. As the priorities move from humanitarian relief to reconstruction and development, the resources flowing to the country progressively diminish.  Using return and resettlement resources to engage IDP groups as planners and implementers of projects is preferable to relying solely on foreign entities such as the International Organization on Migration and international NGOs.

The International Role

The international community has a legitimate right to insist that displacement issues are addressed in peace processes mediated by the United Nations, the African Union, individual countries, or “track two” processes.  States like Sri Lanka, Zimbabwe and Myanmar that protest against interference in their internal affairs ignore hide the fact that in our interconnected global community, the line between domestic and international crises has been blurred, if not obliterated. Conflicts and the waves of instability flow easily across borders. Today’s IDP is tomorrow’s refugee, as the four million Zimbabweans now taking refuge in South Africa and elsewhere in the region demonstrate.  And failed and fragile state threaten international peace and security by serving as breeding grounds for pandemic disease; transit sites for trafficking in arms, persons, and drugs; and launching pads for terrorism and piracy.

It is vital that the full expertise of the UN and other international bodies on displacement is incorporated into peace processes and that these issues are “mainstreamed.”  It is not enough for a well-meaning UN envoy to be sensitive to these issues.  Mediators must have the full backing of the UN Security Council, including specific references to IDP participation in the mandate for UN peacemaking and peace enforcement missions. Mediators must draw on the experience of the UN Special Representative for the Human Rights of IDPs; High Commissioner for Refugees, especially given its role as IDP cluster lead on protection; Office of the Coordinator of Humanitarian Affairs; International Organization for Migration; UN High Commissioner for Human Rights; World Food Program; UNICEF and UNDP – in addition to representatives of civil society and private humanitarian/development NGOs.   

Beyond Victimhood

Many in the international community view internally displaced persons as mere victims of conflict and extol their remarkable capacity for survival. But let me repeat that displaced persons are much more: they are an essential piece of the puzzle in making and building sustainable peace.  A mediator ignored their knowledge of local conditions, their power to generate civil society support for agreements, their willingness to return home and rebuild stable societies, and their commitment to the future of their countries at his or her peril. In the pursuit of peace, we must make displaced persons part of the solution, not part of the problem.

Donald Steinberg is Deputy President for Policy for the International Crisis Group. He previously served as U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration, and a Senior Fellow at the United States Institute for Peace addressing issues of internal displacement, especially in Colombia, Kosovo, Sri Lanka and Sudan.. 





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